I've crossed Brambleton Avenue on foot hundreds of times. I've walked cities on multiple continents — Barcelona, London, Istanbul, Singapore, Tokyo, Seattle, New York — and I know what it feels like to be a pedestrian in a city designed around you, that assumes your existence and accounts for it. Norfolk is not that city.
Some days I walk up to the Brambleton crossing and turn around. The heaviness hits before I even reach the curb — not rage exactly, not anymore, but something that lives in the body like accumulated weight, like the body remembering all the times before. I've learned to do the math before I step off: if even one car is visible in any lane, I can't make seven lanes in the time it takes them to reach me. By the time they're close enough that I can see if they're on their phone, they're already too close for me to safely decide to cross. The pedestrian refuge in the center isn't one — it's a raised curb, narrow enough that if you're not exactly centered you're in the lane. The city won't turn the turn lane into a real refuge. This morning I walked up to the crossing, looked at it, said nah, and took another route. Some days it costs too much.
Hampton Boulevard is different. Hampton carries the truck traffic that containers would have moved by ferry a hundred years ago. You can feel it in your bones from blocks away, before you can even see the road — a subsonic rumble that tells you something heavy is coming. I avoid it. I try to imagine what it feels like to live on it. Walking the Hampton and Brambleton corridor, something rises in me that is not the accumulated heaviness of Brambleton. It is older and cleaner. The body knows how to walk. It has been walking ten thousand times longer than there have been cars. And my body feels rage.
On the other side is the most beautiful street in the most beautiful neighborhood in the city — the one street in Norfolk that successfully depaved thirty years ago. Street trees in Norfolk — some so massive they take over the sidewalk — are being gradually replaced by more easily maintained species like crepe myrtle. The willow oaks line it on both sides. Quercus phellos, a single species with long, narrow leaves that turn amber in the fall. The night herons nest in them every spring. The intersection backs up to a wetland where, if you arrive at the right moment, you can see every heron species in the Hampton Roads region in the same place at the same time. There's a canal just beyond with two broods of goslings this year and one of ducklings that just fledged. We see friends there regularly. A half-hour walk can, on a good day, take several hours. Last year we saw muskrats for the first time.
Armed Forces Brewing Company was seeking a conditional use permit to open in a majority-Black, LGBTQ-friendly neighborhood in Norfolk, next door to an LGBTQ aid center. It had already marketed its planned arrival with sexualized imagery, firearms aimed at targets described as "woke," and advertising that featured a majority-white cast. The LGBTQ aid center would subsequently move. The neighboring neighborhood league wanted to issue a statement opposing the permit — a symbolic action, within the rights of neighborhood organizations to take.
Atlantic City was a working-class neighborhood of about 400 families located just west of downtown, bordered by Colley Avenue and the Elizabeth River, around what is now the midtown tunnel entrance and under what is now a medical campus. In the early 1950s it was one of the few places in Norfolk where the color line was blurring — Black families displaced by an earlier round of urban renewal had found rental housing there, and by the mid-1950s Atlantic City had become one of the only predominantly white neighborhoods in the city where the African American population exceeded ten percent. It was a functioning working-class community: nearly a quarter of its homes were single-family freestanding houses, close to twenty percent built in the last thirty years.
In 1957, the city council approved demolition. Hundreds of homes were torn down to build Norfolk General Hospital — now a medical campus — and expand the surrounding road infrastructure. No new housing was built for those displaced. The community was not relocated. It was erased.
Atlantic City was not an isolated case. Between 1951 and the formal end of urban renewal in 1973, every racially integrated neighborhood in Norfolk was targeted for clearance. Roughly 20,000 people — almost a tenth of the city's population — were displaced. James Baldwin called it what it was: Negro removal.
Why these neighborhoods specifically? White's analysis is precise: the targeting aimed to wipe out the city's transition neighborhoods where indistinct color lines had failed to produce two distinct school communities, one Black and one white. The Brown v. Board decision in 1954 had made explicit school segregation unconstitutional. The city's response was to destroy the integrated neighborhoods that would have produced integrated schools — to maintain de facto segregation by eliminating the residential conditions that made integration possible. When that wasn't sufficient, Norfolk simply locked six of its public schools in 1958, leaving more than ten thousand students with nowhere to go.
In 2019 I bought a house built in 1916 at the edge of Chelsea, a working neighborhood in Norfolk, Virginia — majority-Black by the bodies you see there every day, though not by property ownership or residency — hard against the MHI shipyard on one side, hard against West Ghent on the other. West Ghent is majority white. The line between them runs behind a 7-Eleven. I overpaid by something like $100,000, which raised property values in a neighborhood where the median household income is under $45,000. I did this to open a restaurant. I am a beneficiary of exactly the system this chapter describes. I didn't understand how thoroughly until I started reading Robinson.
That's not a confession designed to immunize me from the argument. It's a statement of position. The argument works differently depending on where you're standing. I'm telling you where I stand so you can calibrate what I'm saying and decide what weight to give it.
What made my blood boil — still makes my blood boil — was the clarity of what the shrug meant. Not helplessness. A decision about whose conditions warranted management. The infrastructure of disinvestment in majority-Black neighborhoods in Norfolk was built deliberately, through redlining and urban renewal and highway placement and school segregation, over more than a century. The shrug is what maintaining that infrastructure looks like when you have the institutional authority to sustain it by doing nothing.
In 2019 the city of Norfolk had no mixed-use occupancy designation that covered what we were trying to build: a restaurant with two Airbnb rooms above it. Two short-term rental rooms above a restaurant didn't fit any existing category. And if something isn't explicitly permitted, it's disallowed — the absence of a category is itself a decision. The city eventually designated us a bed and breakfast, which was functionally absurd — bed and breakfast zoning requires a minimum of four rooms, and we had two. But it was the closest box the code contained. It took over a year.
I kept thinking about how many arrangements — businesses, households, community spaces — had simply never come into existence because no one had named the category yet. Ostrom's work on the commons is partly about this: one of the conditions that allows commons governance to function is the right of communities to devise their own institutions. When the legal framework doesn't recognize the arrangement, the arrangement can't happen, no matter how well it might have worked. This is enclosure operating through absence rather than force — not taking what exists, but preventing what could.
Norfolk holds the port, most of the major shipyards, and a concentration of military bases. The bases don't pay property tax. The people living here mostly aren't choosing to be here — they're on temporary assignment, or they were born here and haven't figured out how to leave. The people actively choosing Norfolk are choosing it for family, mostly, with a small proportion of people who see something in the place worth building toward. When we moved here we saw the possibility: a mid-size city with bones, with a waterfront, with the kind of rent that could still support a bohemian life if you arrived before the developers. We wanted to build something — an art colony, a cultural node, the thing that cities like this can become if someone decides to.
And one more — this one mine.
In December 2020, in an industrial neighborhood in Norfolk, Virginia, my wife and I and a friend opened a restaurant. We had been dreaming about it since 2017 — using the capital left over from a house sale, negotiating a private purchase with no bank involved, DIYing the conversion on a shoestring while I spent eight months convincing the city to let us change the zoning. COVID hit when we were pulling our final permits. I cashed out $100,000 from a Microsoft 401k to float us through the shutdown. We opened anyway.
You have the name for this now. What we were trying to build was a commons — a place where people could just be, that gave them space to choose what they wanted to become, not what institutions had on offer. Where they could express their soul, their love, their joy, and be welcomed. Southern hospitality has a real reputation and a real asterisk: you will be welcomed if you are the right kind of person, and you will always know if you aren't. What we offered was: you can be one of us instead.
We offered a $15 tipped minimum in 2021 and never backed down. We always paid our people well and on time. We ran nature education tableside — when someone asked about the wine, I told them about the plants, the birds, the soil, how it was all made. The queers kept us in business. The neighborhood never quite came. We ran the best menu we ever ran in our final year, just the two of us. We closed in December 2025. Sold the property in March 2026.
It cost me my idealism and my faith in humanity.
I say this as transformation, not as defeat. Idealism that has been tested by five years of fifteen-dollar minimums and hot dog cartons in the bushes and COVID and two prior burnouts is not gone. Mondragón has lost cooperatives. Cooperation Jackson lost the mayor in eight months. The Zapatistas dissolved their own structure because the structure could not survive what was coming. The commons does not always survive in the form it first took. The people we paid, the people who felt welcome, the conversations about birds and wine — those happened. The idealism has been converted into something that knows what it is up against.
The book started there — the crossing at Hampton and Brambleton, built on top of a community demolished to build it. The working-class neighborhood, racially integrated in a city that worked hard to prevent that, demolished in 1957 to build Norfolk General Hospital and the roads serving it. The community that was not relocated. The community that was erased.
The second wreckage was urban planning in the American South. Norfolk. Hampton Boulevard. I have stood on that street and felt the kitchen floors of the houses they took eight feet under my soles. The wreckage is not metaphor; it is geological. But there is also a corner store that was not on any plan, and a neighborhood association meeting in a church basement that has refused for sixty years to disappear, and a community garden in the right-of-way where the road was supposed to widen and didn't. The collector finds the corner store. The collector finds the church basement. The collector finds the garden.